Patriot Games on IRA Focus – Dowon Hwang

While Patriot Games gained popularity for its action and excitement, its audience was shielded from historical accuracy and background. Patriot Games included little to no content of the Troubles, the IRA’s reasons for the violence depicted in the movie, and the unfair demands made by the British during the peace process. To Irish Republicans the IRA represented freedom and justice for their own land and leadership from the British.

Similarly to Americans during the Great Revolution, Irish Republicans dreamt of becoming their own independent nation. Because the British were so uncompromising, the IRA had to resort to violence as a way to make their voice heard. While killing people in Northern Ireland with bombs and attacks against the British, the IRA sacrificed their own people which confuses outsiders and even people well-informed of the IRA. However, it has been a tactic for them as it is a common belief to supporters of the IRA that the “end justifies the means,” as Aoirghe from Eureka Street claims. (McLiam Wilson 293).

Patriot Games failed to incorporate the repression Irish Republicans experienced from the British Unionists in their own country causing the IRA to persist with their violence. Rather, Noyce focused on entertainment and dramatizing history by making the IRA the “bad guys.” The Irish Republican Army (IRA) in Patriot Games, consisting of characters Sean Miller, Kevin O’Donnell, and Annette portray them to be power-hungry and vicious.

Similarly to the way Irish were depicted to the outside world for the past few hundred years, the IRA was depicted as inhumane in the photo below titled, “A King of Shanty” found in thesocietypages.com. The Irish were dehumanized for centuries as they were often compared to monkeys, apes, and in this caricature, an African American tribe who the artist perceived as little different from primates. Apes and monkeys were used to stereotype what the Irish were as a nationality because of the physical traits and mental capacities of what the primates were born with and those the Irish were perceived to utilize. Primates are physically unattractive with their bodies covered with dark hair and broad facial features and the Irish were perceived to the British as lazy and unkempt. This comparison was used widely by Americans and the British because of Britain’s oppressive influence over Ireland. This parallels Patriot Games’ depiction of the IRA as the movie dehumanizes the physical traits of Sean Miller, a member of the IRA. Of the multiple visual insights included in Patriot Games to depict the IRA as villainous, one that particularly stood out showed bloodshot eyes of Sean Miller at 2:27.

Along with the visual insights depicting the IRA as inhumane, movie reviews also depicted them as inhumane through diction. Rottentomatoes used the term “neutralize” while reviewing the movie. This indicates the subject of the matter to be wild and undomesticated as they need to be tamed. Also, the method of taming is unnatural, implying that a natural force is not strong enough to contain the disruption. Rottentomatoes also wrote of Sean Miller to exhume “the wrath of a maniacal Irish radical,” which states he has an unstable mental state.

Along with Rotten Tomatoes, New York Times’s critic Janet Maslin acknowledges Patriot Games’ portrayal of Irish Republican Army to be the “bad guys.” (Rottentomatoes 1992).This is evident as she wrote, “On the other stand Irish terrorists who, in the absence of the kinds of cold-war villains who populated Mr. Clancy’s “Hunt for Red October,” are the author’s best exemplars of the forces of anarchy and evil.” Tom Clancy, the author of Patriot Games, is well known for his action thriller novels and because each novel of this sort needs a protagonist, he had to exaggerate the actions and means of the IRA.

Maslin is better-informed of historical background of Northern Ireland as her review shows. Unlike the critic of Rotten Tomatoes, she gave mention to Patriot Games’ diversion from historical accuracy of the IRA. (Rottentomatoes 1992). She wrote, “The Queen of England owes a debt of gratitude to the makers of “Patriot Games,” the sleek film adaptation of Tom Clancy’s best-selling paranoid thriller,” which provides readers with her knowledge of tension between the British and the Irish or rather the Protestants and Catholics. In both reviews critics (who represent the audience) project what they perceive the movie to be to Americans who in turn read and if little knowledgeable of the Irish Republican Army, will believe the review and the situation to be reality.

Irish Echo, the oldest and most widely read American-Irish newspaper in the United States, dug deep into the novel that this film is based on. Identifying that the IRA were portrayed in the film as “crazy, bloodthirsty Irish terrorists stalking suave and civilized British royalty” (O’Hanlon 16 Feb 2014), O’Hanlon, the author of the article, made it apparent that there was a great misrepresentation felt by the Irish-American citizens in the United States.

However, O’Hanlon does not totally blame Clancy for this misrepresentation, as he acknowledges that “Movies, of course, don’t always fully reflect the books they are based on and that may have been the reason why Clancy more or less escaped the widespread annoyance felt by Irish and Irish Americans alike over the way that different nationalities were portrayed in the movie.

Although Clancy may not have intended for the IRA to look and feel as vicious as they did in the movie, the fact that the IRA was so monstrous only plays into the idea that Hollywood is willing to exaggerate history to make for a more thrilling drama. Director Phillip Noyce included the ugly nature of the IRA, the killing and bombings, without giving them a proper purpose in the film. This depiction of the IRA, as a blood-thirsty organization, is a great misrepresentation felt by movie critics, Irish and American, across the United States.

Policing in Northern Ireland: The Plain Truth (1969)

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Image: C.E.M.J Pailpoint, Two Royal Ulster Constabulary Officers (2000s)

More information about this painting here.

Excerpts from “Northern Ireland: The Plain Truth”

“At the first Londonderry Civil Rights march the Royal Ulster Constabulary sealed off the marchers in Duke Street in front and behind and batoned them indiscriminately. Gerry Fitt, M.P., was wounded on the head. Edward McAteer, M.P., in the groin. A girl was batoned on the mouth. The people were hosed with water cannons. This was all witnessed by two British labour M.P.’s, John Ryan and Mrs. Anne Kerr. While this was going on, police not actively engaged were laughing.” (Minister of Home Affairs – Mr. William Craig) [1]

“At a later date student marchers at Burntollet Bridge received scant protection from the R.U.C. who fraternised freely with the Paisleyites led by Major Bunting. Students were stoned, beaten with nail-studded clubs, and thrown into a stream. Threats of rape were made on the women.

In January 1969, police, some alleged to be intoxicated, broke into houses in Lecky Road, Derry, and, using obscene and sectarian abuse, attacked the citizens indiscriminately with batons and kicks. As a result, 190 formal complaints against the police were documented.

Again, demonstrating its particular brand of ‘democracy’ the Ulster Government ordered an Enquiry to be carried out by, police officials themselves! The Government has refused to make the results of this Enquiry public.” (Minister of Home Affairs – Capt. William Long) [2]

“In April 1969, in Derry, the police were caught at a disadvantage and were stoned by a mob and some injured. Police later invaded Catholic homes and rendered many men, women (including a semi-invalid) and children hospital cases!” (Minister of Home Affairs – Mr. R. Porter) [3]

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=l3TzmULzLuw

At the heart of the policing issue lies demographic underrepresentation. In 1969, there was approximately 1.5 million people living in Northern Ireland, of whom one-third (~.5 million) were Catholic and two-thirds (1 million) were Protestant.[4] Nevertheless, Catholics were severely underrepresented in virtually every facet of government; however, this underrepresentation was especially prominent in the realm of policing.

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Images: Distribution of Protestants and Catholics in Northern Ireland

The primary police agency in Northern Ireland was the Royal Ulster Contabulary (R.U.C.). In 1969, the R.U.C. was comprised of around 3,000 members, of which only 10% (~300) were Catholic. Of 50 Officers in the R.U.C., only six were Catholic.[5] This indicates that there was roughly a 20% disparity in representation for Catholics among the police as compared to the civilian population.

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Image: Flag of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (R.U.C.)

There was an additional police force in Northern Ireland known as the Ulster Special Constabulary, or ‘B-Specials’. “This [was] a sectarian part-time force 11,300 strong. All members are Protestant. They are mainly recruited from members of the Orange Order.”[6] So, not only were Catholics severely underrepresented within the R.U.C., they had to contend with a separate, exclusively Protestant police force that had extremely strong Unionist ties and had the right to retain private weapons. Catholics did not have the right to keep weapons in their homes under the provisions of the 1922 Special Powers Act.

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Image: B-Specials

The 1922 Special Powers Act gave the R.U.C. and the ‘B-Specials’ an unbelievable amount of latitude in determining how to police their respective districts and jurisdictions. While the Special Powers Act contained many provisions, the large majority of this legislation was designed to specifically target and disadvantage Catholics. One shining example of this can be seen in Section 3, subsection 1, which states:

“The civil authority may make orders prohibiting or restricting in any area: (a) The holding of or taking part in meetings, assemblies (in eluding fairs and markets), or processions in public places; (b) The use or wearing or possession of uniforms or badges of a naval, military or police character, or of uniforms or badges indicating membership of any association or body specified in the order; (c) The carrying in public places of weapons of offence or articles capable of being used as such, (d) The carrying, having or keeping of firearms, military arms, ammunition or explosive substances; and, (e) The having, keeping, or using of a motor or other cycle, or motor car by any person, other than a member of a police force, without a permit from the civil authority, or from the chief officer of the police in the district in which the person resides.”[7]

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Image: A crowd gathers at Free Derry wall for a civil rights march

Taken in context, it is not hard to see how the Special Powers Act completely disenfranchised Catholic citizens of Northern Ireland and left them to literally fend for themselves. The combination of underrepresentation in the R.U.C. and the existence of the B-Specials meant that the restrictions set forth by the civil authority under the Special Powers Act primarily affected Catholic neighborhoods such as Derry’s Bogside. The Special Powers Act gave the police undue discretion in determining what to do when Catholics violated its provisions, such as gathering to have a meeting.

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Image: A protestor is dragged away by R.U.C. constables

Hopefully, this introduction has shed some light on the conditions in Northern Ireland in 1969 and how these conditions created a tense and volatile climate that contributed significantly to civil rights abuses during the years preceding Bloody Sunday, and played a direct role in the tragic events that took place that fateful day.

NEXT: The Ministry of Fear

PREVIOUS: An Introduction

[1] Northern Ireland: The Plain Truth. Second Edition. Castlefields, Dungannon: The Campaign for Social Justice in Northern Ireland, 1969. Print.

[2] Ibid.

[3] Ibid.

[4] Ibid, p. 1.

[5] Ibid, p. 7.

[6] Ibid.

[7] Fionnuala McKenna. “Civil Authorities (Special Powers) Act (Northern Ireland), 1922.” Conflict Archive on the Internet. CAIN Web Service. Web. 1 December 2014. http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/hmso/spa1922.htm.

Roadmap

The Armagh Hunger Strikes

The Armagh Hunger Strikes


         In 1976, the British Government moved to declassify the Republican political prisoners. In response to this decision and in support of their male comrades, the Republican women prisoners of Armagh joined the fight and began a dirty protest in 1978. The dirty protest consisted of the women smearing their excrement and menstrual blood on the walls. Two years later, in 1980, these same women would join with Bobby sands and the male prisoners of H-block in a hunger strike. The Hunger Strike demanded for people to listen and forced the British Government to answer to them. The women who participated in these protests did not get the same attention as their male counterparts, but in the end, the actions they took made an impact on the lives of the Republican political prisoners.


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Works Cited

History

History


The history that lead up to and produced the Armagh hunger strikes reaches far back into traditions of the culture such as the trope of “Mother Ireland,” which is fundamental in understanding the role that had been developed for women in Northern Ireland. The way that women have been viewed, historically, in Ireland is also important in understanding the complicated reactions that different groups had towards the women’s protests. To understand the problematic ways in which the hunger strikes were viewed, is important to read them in the context of the history of the nation to which these women were devoting their lives.


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Works Cited

Literature

Literature


A great deal of literary work has arisen out of the Armagh Hunger strikes in effort to both understand and respond to it. Many of these works are clearly defined in the context of the Armagh hunger strike, and others gain new perspective when read in the context of Armagh. Additionally, these works help to gain different perspectives on the hunger strikes themselves, and can influence the way we read the history of the events.


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Works Cited

Blues and Soul on the Irish Frontier

Ryan Atkins, Morgan McDonnell, and Clay Smith

The growth of blues music in Northern Ireland throughout the late 20th century is significant when put in the context of sectarian violence and the subjugation of Northern Irish Catholics. The adaption of blues music says a lot about how Irish Catholics viewed themselves in relation to Irish Protestants, and how Irish Catholics felt towards British control. We can look at musicians such as Muddy Waters, relating the context of Northern Irish suffering with African American culture. Blues music can be seen in popular books and media, including novels Cal and The Commitments. Blues music fit into the culture of Northern Ireland, common themes similar as people in Ireland were often ostracized by their own government and communities.

 

Literary Works and Media (next)

My Sample Post

Lough Cutra Castle

Galway Castle

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“Silent Grace” Movie Trailer

Silent Grace (Orla Brady and Cara Seymour) was released theatrically by Guerilla Films in the UK and Ireland. It was Critics Choice in the London Metro and Dublin Hot Press.
It was awarded the Soka Art Award and nominated for the Conflict and Resolution Award at the Hamptons Film Festival USA.

Set in Armagh Women’s Prisons in 1980, Silent Grace is inspired by the largely unreported female involvement in the dirty protests and hunger strikes.
Aine, a wild child criminal gets thrown into the same cell as the highest-ranking Republican prisoner, Eileen. Eileen helps save Aine’s sanity and in a dramatic turn of events, Aine helps save Eileen’s life.

Visit the Director’s Site Here